History of the Atlantic Cable & Undersea Communications
from the first submarine cable of 1850 to the worldwide fiber optic network

John Mullaly
by David Fox

Introduction: John Mullaly was a journalist and author, and his 1855 book, A Trip to Newfoundland, published when he was only twenty years of age, was the first ever written on the early cable industry. He continued to report on the Atlantic Cable expeditions, and his 1858 book The Laying of the Cable, or The Ocean Telegraph is a comprehensive record of the project.

In this article David Fox presents much previously uncollected information on Mullaly’s background and subsequent career in journalism, politics, and business.

--Bill Burns

John Mullaly of New York (c.1835-1915)

John Mullaly was born in Belfast about 1835; his father had been a distiller with McKenzie Bros in Belfast, Ireland, until Father Mathew’s temperance preaching closed many distilleries. John went to New York when a very young man.

In a letter to his cousin in Australia, John writes that his “sisters unite” in sending best wishes. These sisters, Mary and Ann Mullaly, were nearly twins being born at either ends of the same year, and were both living with him in New York in 1882. His mother was living in New York with them until her death.

John pursued his education in Literary studies to achieve his LL.D. at St John’s College Fordham in New York [21], now Fordham University, the first Catholic institution of higher learning in the northeast. He completed his studies and achieved his Litt.D. at the Christian Brothers College in St Louis [21], the first college of the Christian Brothers in the Americas.

John Mullaly took his first step to prominence in 1853 by publishing a tract on The Milk Trade of New York, giving an account of the sale of pure and adulterated milk [14], one of the most important landmarks in the history of food sanitation in New York City [22].

New York’s population increased exponentially between 1830 and 1900 from 202,000 to 3.4 million people, the second largest city in the world [18]. The challenge was how to feed so many people. At first, cattle and swine foraged in the streets, fending for themselves on household garbage. In 1842 there were enough cattle in New York City to produce nearly 13,000 gallons of milk per day [18].

Firms purchased scores of animals and fed them on waste mash purchased from distillers. As the cattle were where the people lived, there were no transport costs, costs were lower than country producers. However livestock were raised in unsanitary conditions. Local residents complained of the stench from milk factories. Confined in windowless quarters they were fed unbalanced liquid diets [18]. Added to this urban dairymen secretly added flour, chalk, egg whites, plaster and other whitening substances to hide the unwholesomeness of their milk [18]. Robert Hartley had made the connection between contaminated food and infant mortality in 1842 but little came of the task force report.

As a result of John Mullaly’s tract, the general public began to show an interest in keeping people and livestock separate [14], but laws on milk adulteration law had to wait until 1862 [18].

Horace Greeley was impressed with this work and asked John Mullaly to become a reporter for his New York Tribune. Mullaly went on to be a reporter with the New York Evening Post under William Cullen Bryant[4] and he was on the staff of the New York Herald for six years [21].


By 1854, there were already 23,000 miles of telegraph wire installed and in operation in the US. However the lightning-fast messages were delayed in crossing the sea. It is believed that the first experiments for demonstrating the practicability of a submarine telegraph were made by Samuel Morse, the inventor of the telegraph [12]. As early as 1843, Morse had written a letter to the Secretary of the Treasury in which he said:

“... a telegraphic communication on the electromagnetic plan may with certainty be established across the Atlantic Ocean! Startling as this may now seem, I am confident the time will come when this project will be realized.”

In 1849 Philadelphia lawyer Horatio Hubbell stated in a Memorial to the Congress of the United States, in which he proposed a cable across the Atlantic:

Your memorialists proceed to say, that from many observations that have been. made, there is incontestable evidence of the existence of a sub-marine table land, extending from the Banks of Newfoundland across the Atlantic Ocean to the mouth of the British channel. This is proved by the altered color of the sea water, which has a different appearance in unfathomable places from what it has in shallow spots.

Later that same year, American naval vessels began systematic deep-sea soundings in the Atlantic. Based on their findings, hydrographer Mathew Fontaine Maury (1806-1873), Superintendent of the Naval Observatory, also suggested that there was an undersea plateau between Newfoundland and Ireland. It is generally accepted that Maury named this the “Telegraph Plateau”, although there are dissenting opinions. In 1853, the United States ship Dolphin made detailed soundings of the bed of the Atlantic, and confirmed the existence of the plateau.

The first practical proposal to extend the reach of the telegraph was to connect St John’s, Newfoundland, to the mainland, so that ships making the Atlantic crossing could drop messages off Newfoundland for transmission to New York by telegraph, cutting a week of the delivery time. In 1851 the legislature of Newfoundland granted to Frederic N. Gisborne and his associates, a telegraph construction charter, with exclusive privileges for the term of thirty years. His plan was to run a landline across Newfoundland, an undersea cable across the Gulf of St Lawrence from Cape Ray to Cape Breton in Nova Scotia, and from there to the mainland to meet the existing connections to New York.

In 1853 Gisborne ran out of funds, and on a visit to New York City early in 1854 to meet with his investors, he was introduced to Cyrus W. Field, a wealthy retired paper merchant. Field proposed not only to take over Gisborne’s Newfoundland project, but to extend the cable across the Atlantic, and formed the New York, Newfoundland, and London Telegraph Company with other investors Peter Cooper, Moses Taylor, Marshall O. Roberts and Chandler White. Samuel Morse was named Scientific Advisor to the company, and its first task was to complete the Newfoundland link and lay the Gulf of St Lawrence cable.

In 1854, John Mullaly was living at 18 Bedford Street and conducting his business from 97 Nassau Street, New York. Mullaly’s reporting abilities brought him to the attention of Morse, who was seeking a special correspondent for the 1855 cable laying expedition to the Gulf of St. Lawrence, the beginnings of the Atlantic Cable project [3/21]. Mullaly was appointed Morse’s secretary [4/3]. Cyrus Field later wrote that Mullaly’s “indefatigable exertions during all this time in procuring every fact in connection with the enterprise is deserving of the highest praise [22].

Mullaly’s book on this expedition, “A Trip to Newfoundland: Its Scenery and Fisheries: With an Account of the Laying of the Submarine Telegraph Cable”, was the first ever to be written about the early cable industry.

Title page and first chapter heading of
A Trip to Newfoundland

The undertaking to construct this connection seemed less difficult than it actually proved. It was considered it could be accomplished from New York to St. John’s “in a few months.” [12] In fact, it took two and a half years to lay this line. At the conclusion of this part of the project in 1856, Field founded the Atlantic Telegraph Company to raise funds to continue the line to Ireland. Expeditions were mounted in 1857 and 1858; on these voyages John Mullaly was Secretary to Cyrus West Field [3/4], and was named official historian in 1857 [22].

The expedition of 1857 and the two expeditions of 1858 were joint Anglo-American enterprises, in which the Niagara and the Susquehanna took part with the Agamemnon, the Leopard, the Gordon, and the Valorous. Mullaly had a cabin on the Niagara during the cable-laying expedition [24] as official recorder, but also as reporter for James Gordon Bennett’s New York Herald. Almost forty of Mullaly’s news despatches were printed in the Herald during 1857 and the early months of 1858 [22].

After two failed attempts, the Niagara and Agamemnon finally achieved success. On 16 August 1858 Field arranged for Queen Victoria and President James Buchanan to exchange the first transatlantic message between Europe and the United States, and New York erupted in celebrations.

In 1858 Mullaly published a volume called “The Laying of the Cable, or The Ocean Telegraph”. It was the first book to relate the complete tale of the dramatic experiment, and remains the most authentic source [3].

Cyrus Field wrote [12]:

“After two unsuccessful attempts, on the third trial we gained a brief success. The cable was laid, and for four weeks it worked, though never very brilliantly. It spoke, though only in broken sentences. But while it lasted no less than four hundred messages went sent across the Atlantic. Great was the enthusiasm it excited. It was a new thing under the sun, and for a few weeks the public went wild over it.”

On September 9th 1858 Mullaly gave a public lecture on the Atlantic telegraph in New York:

New York Times, 9 September 1858

A new attempt to lay the cable was delayed for several years by the Civil War in the United States. In England, the British Government appointed a commission of enquiry into the failure of the Altantic cable, which called experts in every aspect of cable laying, and almost everyone involved in the Atlantic cable expeditions; this body, after many months of testimony, made recommendations for improvements in the construction and laying of future cables. Meanwhile, submarine cables were laid in different seas: in the Mediterranean, Red Sea, and the Persian Gulf. The Atlantic cable was finally successfully laid in 1866 (see below).

Mullaly’s two books on the first Atlantic cable project, “A Trip to Newfoundland”, and “The Laying of the Cable” [9] form an important part of the historical record. In 1907 he wrote a short version of the 1858 cable history for the the Journal of the Franklin Institute. Titled “The First Atlantic Telegraph Cable”. This was published in three parts in the Journal, and later reproduced as a pamphlet [15].


After the temporary conclusion of the Atlantic cable project in 1858, John Mullaly was offered the opportunity by Archbishop Hughes to become publisher and editor of the Metropolitan Record, issued weekly in New York for the next fourteen years [3]. Mullaly was only twenty-three years of age when he assumed the editorship of this newly-created copperplate [22]. The first issue was published on 29 January 1859. Archbishop Hughes regarded it as his personal voice:

“...Archbishop John Hughes had been irritated with the editorial policies of James McMaster’s Freeman’s Journal, and broke with it to publish his own newspaper – The Metropolitan Record [22 Ref 5]...(Hughes invited) a prominent Catholic journalist – one who had made a name for himself as the author of a book on the city’s milk supply and of a widely acclaimed history of the laying of the Atlantic cable. Mullaly was only too happy to accept the editorship of this “Catholic Family Paper” and eagerly set about making it an outstanding religious publication.” [22]

Mullaly and his paper played a significant role not only in mirroring Catholic thought and activities but also in reflecting national politics during the turbulent decades before and after the Civil War [22].

In 1864 The Metropolitan Record merged with the Vindicator and Peoples' Record, to form the Metropolitan Record and New York Vindicator and remained so until it ceased publication in 1873. The Metropolitan Record was not strictly religious, but also political and social [11].

During the American war of Independence Mullaly presided over this newspaper. Immediately after the northern victories at Gettysburg and Vicksburg, during the week of July 12, 1863, the bloodiest race riots of American history took place in the streets of New York. The riots were touched off by enforcement of a conscription law introduced on 3 March 1863 [11].

This conscription law contained an inequitable $300 “commutation clause” which allowed the rich to hire substitutes to fight for them. New York exploded in violence, some of which was ultimately directed against the city’s Negro population. According to newspapers, eye-witnesses, and official records, practically all the rioters were Irish. Orestes Brownson wrote [11]:

“The immediate actors in the late Riots in this city, got up to resist the Draft and to create a diversion in favor of the Southern Rebellion were almost exclusively Irishmen and Catholics.”

Fear of an impending Negro labour competition was chiefly responsible for the eruption. It was widely believed that Lincoln’s emancipation program would see an influx of former slaves who would deprive Irish workingmen of their jobs. There was a precedent. Negro workers had been brought in by New York shipping companies as strike breakers in the spring of 1863. The Irish regarded the draft as a threat to their economic survival [11].

John Mullaly’s editorials in the Metropolitan Record launched into virulent attacks upon the Administration. It raged against the perversion of the war from an attempt to restore the Union, into an “emancipation crusade”. The most sanguinary carnage was now in store for the country. The “vile and infamous” Proclamation would bring “massacre and rapine and outrage into the homes on Southern plantations, sprinkling their hearths with the blood of gentle women, helpless age, and innocent childhood ... Never was a blacker crime sought to be committed against nature, against humanity, against the holy precepts of Christianity ...”

In effect, Mullaly was saying that Lincoln’s action on January 1 made the task of restoring the Union impossible. The Irish had been hoodwinked into supporting the war, for had they known it was going to be waged in the interests of abolitionism, not one in ten Irishmen in the United States forces would have taken up arms. He predicted an economic disaster. Besides having to pay more for various commodities with the disappearance of slave labour, the populace would henceforth be taxed for the care of the millions of freed Negroes, as the devastated plantations of their former masters could not employ them [11].

Mullaly pointed out hypocrisy. The war was being fought in the name of the Constitution, but the Lincoln Administration, in abridging civil liberties, had trampled the Constitution under foot. Its culminating act in the destruction of civil liberties was the passage of the draft law, allowing the rich to buy their way out. He described it as “the most deadly blow that has yet been aimed at the liberties of the people.” [11]

On May 18, 1863 John Mullaly spoke out at a mass meeting in Union Square. Here he depicted the war as an abolition crusade, asked the crowd whether it would fight for abolition, and, stressed the injustice of the conscription act’s $300 commutation clause. He predicted that the draft would never be carried out in New York. [11]

Other speakers on this occasion, among them James A. McMaster, editor of the Freeman’s journal and Catholic Register, went much further than Mullaly in recommending violent resistance to conscription. McMaster urged the crowd to defy the draft asking whether they would submit to the measure. They cried “Never!”[11]:

“I tell you it is not by shouting “never”; it is not by cheering and groaning; it is by the brawny muscle, and above all, it is the determined will of freemen born, who are ready to say that they will die now if necessary ... But freemen, how are you to save your liberties?
(A Voice-“By fighting.”)
Yes, if necessary, by fighting, but not by disorderly fighting, not by street mobs, not by riots, not by incendiarism .... ”

McMaster said they should organise themselves into military units in a systematic fashion, and then, after obtaining guns, they should offer their services to Governor Seymour. He called for testing the constitutionality of the conscription act in the Courts, was furious against military coercion of the mobs, and warned that Negroes could not live in the same community with whites. Those that migrated to New York from the South, he said, were to be driven away, imprisoned, or exterminated [11].

Rioting began. One commentator suggested that the draft rioters “only acted out the opinions they had received from men of higher religious and social position than themselves”. Otherwise the riots might never have taken place, or at least the main participants in them would not have been Irish Catholics [11].

At this time few dignitaries of the Church had publicly denounced slavery and Catholics generally rejected its abolition [11]. Hughes and Mullaly had bickered over the issue of slavery and the question of whether or not to support the Union after war was declared. For some years Hughes had teetered in indecision in his opinion on slavery. At first he supported emancipation, but after he travelled through the South, slavery did not seem quite so great an evil. When the Archbishop returned from a visit to the Pope he began advocating conscription of 300,000 men to prosecute the war on the South to avoid secession.

However, his failing health prevented Hughes from taking on Mullaly whose views were so divergent from his own. After John Mullaly had gone to the extreme of encouraging armed resistance to the draft in the March 14, 1863 issue of the newspaper, Archbishop Hughes promptly removed his name from the masthead of the paper. Thereafter it was advertised merely as a “Catholic Family Paper” between 1863 and 1864.

So strong did its opposition to the administration become in the course of the war that a petition was sent to the Postmaster General asking that the Metropolitan Record be denied the use of the mails, to no effect, and General William Rosecrans, a convert to the Catholic Church, banned the paper in the Department of the Ohio because of its disloyalty [11].

The Metropolitan Record persisted in inciting the labourers of New York even during the riots [11]. An editorial by John Mullaly on July 14, the second day of the disturbances, stated:

“We have a few words to say to the working classes of New York, and particularly to those among you who have been or who may be conscripted. You are about to be from your families to carry out at the sacrifice of your lives the most iniquitous measures ever devised by any Government. Your wives and your little ones are to be deprived of their only protectors, and left dependent upon the cold charity of the world. What will you do under the circumstances? ... Call upon the Governor to defend you and your State ... Then offer your services to him as a State militia for defensive purposes ... There are, we should think, arms enough in this city to supply at least twenty thousand men [11].

Mullaly regretted the anti-Negro excesses, but he did not conceal his approval of the resistance which had been offered to conscription. He merely cautioned participants in any future riots against the draft, as members of a “superior” race, to disdain to vent their passions on an “inferior” race [11].

The Archbishop, though ill, took steps to bring the rioters to a different view. He told them their grievances were temporary, that it was best to bear them with patience until they passed away. While denying that he saw a single face among the thousands in the audience which could be called that of a rioter, the Archbishop urged that the disturbances be stopped, for the sake of religion and the honour of Ireland. And they did stop, though it may have been because their fury was spent [11].

John Mullaly was arrested on 18 August 1864 at his office in Broadway and brought before the Commissioner, with bail of $2,580 put up by Charles J Donoghue as security.

“The Editor of the Metropolitan Record Arrested for Inciting Gov. Seymour to Resist the Draft”, trumpeted the newspapers [28]. Commissioner Osbourne had issued a warrant for the arrest of John Mullaly upon a charge of inciting resistance to the draft.

The affidavit indicated that at the time of the publication John was, editor and proprietor of the Metropolitan Record & New York Vindicator, a public journal in New York. In an issue of that periodical, published 6 August he had caused to be published and printed an article entitled “The Coming Draft,” and that in an issue published on the 30 July he caused to be published an article entitled “Five Hundred Thousand More Victims to Abolitionism”.

These were in violation of section 25 of “An Act for Enrolling and Calling out the National Forces and for other Purposes” approved March 3, 1863. The articles counselled Governor Seymour to resist a draft directed by the President of the United States, and counselled drafted men not to appear, and wilfully dissuaded them from the performance of military duties as required by law.

Mullaly was examined the following week. The articles referred to contained paragraphs calling on Governor Seymour to put a stop to the draft, and promising him the assistance of two or three hundred thousand men in his endeavours. However Mullaly was released after pointing out that the Act was not in force at the time he published.

As a result of Mullaly being hauled into court [10], subscriptions fell off, advertising became increasingly difficult to secure and the editor himself became somewhat unpopular.


Meantime the work of making a new Atlantic cable had again begun, the core wire was completed in eight months. As fast as it became ready, it was taken on board the Great Eastern and coiled in three enormous tanks. On July 15, 1865, the ship sailed. Cyrus Field writes [12]:

“For a week all went well; we had paid out one thousand two hundred miles of cable, and had only six hundred miles farther to go, when, hauling in the cable to remedy a fault, it parted and went to the bottom. That day I never can forget - how men paced the deck in despair, looking out on the broad sea that had swallowed up their hopes; and then how the brave Canning for nine days and nights dragged the bottom of the ocean for our lost treasure, and, though he grappled it three times, failed to bring it to the surface. We returned to England defeated, yet full of resolution to begin the battle anew. Measures were at once taken to make a second cable and fit out a new expedition...”

“The great Telegraph Construction and Maintenance Company, undaunted by the failure of last year, answered us with a subscription of one hundred thousand pounds … in five months from that day the cable had been manufactured, shipped on the Great Eastern, stretched across the Atlantic, and was sending messages, literally swift as lightning, from continent to continent... ”

Field goes on to record recovering the location of the previously broken cable.

“...You may be sure we did not go fishing at random...Captain Moriarty...was in the Great Eastern in 1865, and saw the cable when it broke; and he and Captain Anderson at once took observations so exact that they could go right to the spot. After finding it, they marked the line of the cable by buoys... anchored a few miles apart, they were numbered, and each had a flagstaff on it so that it could be seen by day, and a lantern by night. Having thus taken our bearings, we stood off three or four miles, so as to come broadside on, and then, casting over the grapnel, drifted slowly down upon it, dragging the bottom of the ocean as we went. At first it was a little awkward to fish in such deep water, but our men got used to it, and soon could cast a grapnel almost as straight as an old whaler throws a harpoon... It took about two hours for the grapnel to reach bottom, but we could tell when it struck. I often went to the bow, and sat on the rope, and could feel by the quiver that the grapnel was dragging on the bottom two miles under us. But it was a very slow business...”

“...Once, on August 17th, we got the cable up, and had it in full sight for five minutes, a long, slimy monster, fresh from the ooze of the ocean’s bed, but our men began to cheer so wildly that it seemed to be frightened and suddenly broke away and went down into the sea. ...We had cast the grapnel thirty times. It was a little before midnight on Friday night that we hooked the cable, and it was a little after midnight Sunday morning when we got it on board. What was the anxiety of those twenty-six hours! The strain on every man was like the strain on the cable itself. When finally it appeared, it was midnight; the lights of the ship, and those in the boats around our bows, as they flashed in the faces of the men, showed them eagerly watching for the cable to appear on the water. ”

“...not a word was spoken save by the officers in command who were heard giving orders. All felt as if life and death hung on the issue. It was only when the cable was brought over the bow and on to the deck that men dared to breathe. Even then they hardly believed their eyes. Some crept toward it to feel of it, to be sure it was there. Then we carried it along to the electricians' room, to see if our long-sought-for treasure was alive or dead. A few minutes of suspense, and a flash told of the lightning current again set free. Then did the feeling long pent up burst forth. Some turned away their heads and wept. Others broke into cheers, and the cry ran from man to man, and was heard down in the engine-rooms, deck below deck, and from the boats on the water, and the other ships, while rockets lighted the darkness of the sea. Then with thankful hearts we turned our faces again to the west. ”

“... as I sat in the electricians' room, a flash of light came up from the deep, which having crossed to Ireland, came back to me in mid-ocean, telling that those so dear to me, whom I had left on the banks of the Hudson, were well and following us with their wishes and their prayers. This was like a whisper of God from the sea, bidding me keep heart and hope. The Great Eastern bore herself proudly through the storm, as if she knew that the vital cord, which was to join two hemispheres, hung at her stern; and so, on Saturday, September 7th, we brought our second cable safely to the shore…”

Field was the object of much admiration and praise on both sides of the Atlantic for his persistence. He went on to promote other oceanic cables, notably that via Hawaii to Asia and Australia, although this was not laid until some time after his death. In 1877 he also resuscitated the New York City elevated system.


John Mullaly was living at 424 Broome, and 321 East 41st Street in 1869 [13] He had decided on a new career and the last issue of his Newspaper was published in 1873.

He became a loyal and devoted member of the Tweed Ring, based in Tammany Hall. John Mullaly was appointed city health commissioner in 1870 [3/21/22]. He served ex officio on committees on permits, street cleaning, and law and ordinances.[22 Ref 11] Although not reappointed in 1873, Mullaly still maintained an interest, for the next year he appeared before the committee on street cleaning of the police department to suggest that snow be removed from New York streets using superheated steam jets. [22 Ref 12] In 1875 Mullaly, still enjoying political favour, was appointed city tax assessor at an annual salary of $5,000 and was reappointed for a second term [3/21/22 Ref 13]

During these years he was prominent in the activities of the Knights of St Patrick responding to toasts and presiding at annual banquets held at the Metropolitan Hotel and the Sturtevant House. [22 Ref 14]

When the Fenians sailed back into New York in 1871 after their release in England, John Mullaly and the Knights were on one of the boats sent to meet them.

“The Knights of St Patrick and Mr. Mullaly embarked immediately, and the Fletcher flew out in the darkness with the grace of a seagull. Rockets were thrown up from the steamer, The Fletcher approached her. The Knights and Mr Mullaly greeted their noble countrymen with loud cheers. The band struck up the Irish national airs, and the whole ocean seemed to roll with enthusiasm. The Cuba steamed up to quarantine with the Fletcher under her quarter, the bands playing, and the Knights and Mr Mullaly cheering. The Cuba fired a gun and the Fletcher responded with three guns. The Cuba swung round with the stream and anchored.”

However this welcome for the Fenians turned into high farce when, after speeches, Democratic New York city health officials tried to throw overboard Republican customs and revenue officials who had boarded on the other side of the Cuba, and each group threatened the other, some coming to blows. The customs officials threatened to gaol the health officials on suspicion of smuggling, and the health officials threatened to subject customs officials to a couple of week’s quarantine with appropriate vaccination injections. Both groups wisely agreed to leave the vessel at the same time, but what the Fenians thought is not recorded, but they decided to have nothing to do with either side until the remaining Fenians were finally released.

In 1874 New York City annexed parts of the southern Bronx, formerly lower Westchester County. In 1881 John Mullaly had a property at Bronx River Road and Clinton Avenue [27] rented out to an Anna Ellis. As himself resident in the Bronx, John spearheaded a movement with a group of citizens concerned with widespread urban growth to retain some of the natural areas before they were destroyed by city development.

The movement created by John formed into the New York Park Association. By presenting comparative studies of parkland in foreign cities, predictions of rapid population growth in New York, and rising land values, the Association called for more land for parks in the southern Bronx. The group’s lobbying efforts helped the passage of the New Parks Act in 1884, which funded the acquisition of several major undeveloped lands for the purpose of creating parks and parkways.

Twenty three percent of the Bronx Park land was put aside in 1883. Mullaly’s efforts culminated in the 1884 New Parks Act. St. Mary’s Park was named for a Protestant Episcopal Church that stood three blocks to the west until 1959. In 1887 Mullaly described the site of St. Mary’s Park as

“… isolated and alone, perfect in itself, its miniature loveliness challenging comparison with the largest and fairest of its compeers [sic]. Its area is twenty-five acres and one-third, and within that limited space all the points that constitute the charm of a public pleasure ground are to be found in abundance: wood and water, trees and shrubs, hill and valley, barren rocks and emerald meadows; and all these so disposed that one form of beauty heightens the other by contrast. ...” Adding to nature’s design, architects arranged winding paths and roads, benches, fences, trees, shrubs, flowers, and buildings (such as a concert stand) [ 5].

The rest of the Bronx land was added 1888-90 thanks his efforts. The City in 1888-90 purchased lands for Van Cortlandt, Claremont, Crotona, Bronx, St. Mary’s, and Pelham Bay Parks and the Moshulu, Pelham, and Crotona Parkways. By consolidating these estates, he was successful in having the city acquire the land for a total cost of $2,746,688. This park was a refuge from an expanding urban sprawl [5]. Facilities in his parks now include the Bronx Zoo and a protected wildlife habitat, the New York Botanic Gardens, playgrounds, and sports facilities including a gymnasium and baseball diamond [5].

He published various tracts including “More Public Parks” and the “Report of the New York Park Commission of 1883” (1884 [20]) the latter in conjunction with Luther Rawson Marsh (1813-1902), a practising lawyer in New York City since 1844, appointed by the New York legislature in 1882 as president of the New York Park Commission.

John Mullaly served on the Commission as Secretary along L. Fitzgerald, W. Hutchins, C. L. Tiffany, W. W. Niles, G. W. McLean, and T. J. Crumble. Marsh, originally a Democrat, had became a Republican from the early history of the party and was a frequent orator.

From 1882 to 1887 the Commission laboured with Mullaly to secure the 3,840 acres of new park area for New York City, being chairman of the commission to lay out parks under the act of 1883, and chairman of the board to appraise their value under the act of 1884 [3]. He had also drawn up the bills for “New Parks for New York City” and “The International Reservation at Niagara Falls.” His report with John Mullaly was a valuable contribution to park literature. In 1887 he published The New Parks Beyond the Harlem, an illustrated guide which brought him scant recognition.[22 Ref 15]


In 1878, the Christian Brothers school, St. Clabriel’s, in New York had a President of their School Association, the Hon. John Mullaly.

In 1882 he termed himself Commissioner of Assessments in a letter written on Jan 30 1882 to his cousin, John Mullaly in Australia telling of local politics and his hopes for the new parks north of the Harlem River:

“223 East 49th St. N.Y.
Jany 30, 1882
Dear Cousin John

I send you by this mail a copy of a pamphlet which I wrote in reference to the movement I originated and organized for more park area for our Metropolis. You will see that it is a great improvement on the ordinary style of such publications and I think will materially assist in promoting the object in view.

The views are very picturesque and the map, which shows a territory of about thirty thousand acres is the first complete topographical map which has ever been published of this locality. I trust our object will be successful, but there is much detail yet to be attended to before the desired result can be accomplished. You have doubtless had some experience of the tardiness with which public measures are prosecuted, for I presume Australia presents no exception to the rule which prevails in other countries.

I have just enjoyed a very signal political triumph, which has given particular pleasure to all my friends in New York and elsewhere. I made a fight about two years ago against one of our leading politicians who had “bolted”, or opposed the nomination of the party for Government of the State, and who by his defection on that occasion caused the defeat of our Candidate (General Hancock) for President. As he controlled or exercised sufficient influence over the appointment which I held as Commissioner of Assessments to effect my removal I lost my position through his direct agency. However it was not long before I had satisfaction. I published a pamphlet reviewing his career (political) and succeeded with others and through this publication in effecting his exclusion from the National Convention and I was finally and partly instrumental in defeating his efforts to retain his position as City Controller. He has been out of office ever since while I have been restored to my former position doubtless to his particular chagrin and annoyance.

I still continue to receive the illustrated papers from which we get a pretty clear idea of the progress of your island continent. I sincerely trust that you all partake of the general prosperity and that my dear cousins are as happy as we desire. Give them all our sincere affection and believe me dear cousin, with the most earnest prayers for your self and family, in which my sisters unite.

Very affectionately yrs

John Mullaly

P.S. I presume you got the two other publications which I forwarded to you some years ago”

In this letter John Mullaly makes a reference to Winfield Scott Handcock (1824-1886) as “our candidate”.

Handcock was a Union General during the Civil War. After post war service pacifying Indians in the West, Hancock was assigned to command the military division comprising Louisiana and Texas. Rejecting the great discretionary powers conferred on him, Hancock declared that he would insist on the maintenance of the civil authorities in their 'natural and rightful dominion'. This enraged some Radical Republicans, who were counting on military power to protect Negro and white Republicans and sustain 'carpetbag' government in the South. Hancock was made so uncomfortable in his command that he requested relief in 1868. But his stand endeared Hancock to the Democrats, who nominated him for the Presidency in 1880.

Political innocence was a drawback for Hancock. After losing by a narrow margin to James Abram Garfield, also a Civil War general, Hancock returned to military life, and died at Governor’s Island NY on 9 Feb 1886. But James Garfield (1831-1881) the new 20th President was shot on 2 July 1881 and died in September from his wound. His vice-president Chester Alan Arthur succeeded him .

John continued to put his opinion forward on public issues. On the death of Ulysses S Grant various opinions were put forward as to where he should be buried. John Mullaly, the ex-Assessor said:

“New-York would by all means be the best choice. Gen. Grant has had interests here and formed ties that have made him practically a native of New-York. By all means let his remains by buried here, and then for a great monument.”


John Mullaly was living 223 East 49th Street in 1890. Cyrus Field died in 1892. John took up the post of editor of The Seminary (monthly) between 1892 and 1896 [21].

As a result of his experience as a printer John discovered the properties of aluminium plates in surface printing and invented a process he called aluminography, a lithographic process using aluminium plates. He went on to be President of US Aluminium Printing Plate Co [21] and also President of the Aluminium Press Company with factories at Plainfield and Dunellen New Jersey.

At the time lithographic printing required hand composition and flat stones. The lithotype, was the outgrowth of a new process combining lithography and prepared aluminium plates. The two inventions were complementary.

Walter S. Timmis, consulting engineer of the Sakett & Wilhelms Company, had invented the lithotype, which eliminated the typesetting, both by hand and machine, and matrix making, stereotyping or electrotyping with their attendant difficulties.

Credit for the discovery that aluminium plates could be used in all the varieties of printing in which lithograph stone has hitherto been employed belongs to John Mullaly.

John became President of the United States Aluminium Printing and Plate Company, which controlled the right to use aluminium plates for printing purposes, and also President of the Aluminium Press Company, which manufactured the presses necessary to use the new process.

The smaller bulk of the Lithotype machine meant it could be manufactured and sold for less than half the cost of the Linotype or Mergenthaler typesetting machine. By incorporating the aluminium plate process a number of advantages over the use of lithograph stones were made.

Lithography involved printing in ink from a flat stone surface. It was therefore slower and harder to automate. Oil and water do not mix, and ink is based on grease. The design to be printed from the lithograph stone was defined in ink and the rest of the plate was moistened with water, so nothing was printed except that portion previously marked out in ink.

Linotype required solid lines of type to be manually arranged in columns in a page. The stereotyper then took an impression of the page on a moist matrix of papier-mache, which was then dried out by a steam machine and put into a casting machine where curved metal plates were made from it. The plates were clamped on the cylinders of the big presses, allowing the paper to be printed direct from the raised metal surface of the plates.

Lithotype with aluminography, the new process, allowed automation of the interface between humans and machine. Perforated strips of paper recorded the letters, much like a player piano. A electrical keyboard similar to a typewriter perforated the paper ribbon. The machine automatically took care of the correct spacing between the words. The perforated strip then fed directly into the printing process, bringing the selected character directly opposite the printing point where it was inked and impressed onto the paper. The process was repeated until the line was completed, and the paper was moved to the new line. The transfer was then impressed onto the surface of the prepared aluminium plate, put under pressure, and the plate was washed off, the impression thus made was 'rolled up' and then with a few finishing touches was ready for the press.

Aluminium plates were less than one thirty-second of an inch thick, making them cheaper and easier to store. Aluminium could made in sheets of unlimited size and fitted on existing rotary presses. Stone was only available on a flat bed press. One hundred plates could be stored in the space required for a single stone. It was also found that aluminium was more adaptable for work with multi-colour presses and instead of deteriorating with use, as with stone, the quality steadily improved. The new process meant that rotary perfecting presses needed to be converted to use the new technology.

“Mr Timmis is confident that his and Mr Mullaly’s inventions will work great changes in printing methods, but he points out that new inventions, while largely taking the place of old devices, have never succeeded in completely eliminating old methods. Regarding the saving of labor, Mr. Timmis says it will be at least 25 per cent. It will also cut down the demand for skilled labor. In fact, it is assumed that girls, having a defter touch, would be preferred above men as operators. The output of the machine has no limit except the capacity of the operator to manipulate the keys.”

The Timmis Lithotype Company commenced operation with $3,200,000 capital to build presses on the new principle. Timmis maintained that any genuinely economical and practical device would irresistibly win its way, and printing machinery would be modified to accommodate his process. It was inevitable, as when roll paper replaced cut sheets, the flatbed press immediately began to give way to the rotary web press.

Correcting errors in hand typesetting was a simple matter of substituting a single letter. On the linotype it was necessary to reset a whole line to correct one letter. But on the lithotype errors were corrected on the printed sheet, by pasting a thin piece of paper over the error and retyping, before it is transferred to the aluminium sheet, The process was no slower or more difficult than on the linotype.


John Mullaly in later years was living at 41 Park Row New York on May 27 1907 [25]. He died on 2 January 1915 at 223 West Forty-ninth Street, his home since at least 1882. He had only 15 cents in his pocket. He was 79.

His legacies include the remarkable history of the Cable and the New York park system. He was remembered.

“Nathan Strauss Jr. president of the Park Association of New York City, in a letter made public yesterday asked Alderman President Joseph V McKas to give “serious consideration” to the request of Bronx Park Commissioner Joseph P. Hennessy that the land unofficially known as Macomb’s Dam Park Extension be designated John Mullally(sic) Park in honour of the late John Mullally, known as the “father of the New York park system.” Mr. Strauss listed ten parks in the Bronx with a total acreage of 4.391 as having been acquired through Mr. Mullally’s efforts.”

The parks listed are Pelham Bay, Bronx, Van Cortlandt, Crotona, St. Mary’s, Claremont, Mosholu Parkway, Bronx Parkway, Pelham Parkway and Crotona Parkway.

“The Park system of the Bronx,” the letter read, “is the only adequate park system of any borough in the greater city. That distinction is due almost wholly to the unselfish fight made by John Mullally (sic) in the face of well-nigh-insurmountable obstacles. He had a fine dream and the courage and tenacity of purpose to make it a reality.

“We of the Park Association hope that his services may be fittingly recognised by naming in his memory one of the great systems of parks, which will constitute a perpetual reminder of his services to the people of the city of New York.”

In 1932, seventeen years after his death, John Mullaly Park, an 18-acre parkland in the Highbridge section of the Bronx, was dedicated to him for his work in championing the parks system. This park is only two blocks from Yankee Stadium.

A spirited eulogy, one that caught the spark of the man, appeared long before Mullaly’s death in a Missouri newspaper:

“Have you seen the old Metropolitan Record since she came out in her political dress? Ain't she a whale. Ah old John Mullaley will give them h..l. I believe he is one of the noblest men God let live, and if it is my happy lot to get to go to heaven before he does, I will speak for him half an acre in the healthiest and highest place in all the region for him and the Record” [22 Ref 17]



1. Who Was Who in America. A component volume of “Who’s Who in American History.” Vol 1, 1897-1942. Chicago: A.N. Marquis Co., 1943. (WhAm 1) Mullaly, John 1835-

2. A Dictionary of North American Authors Deceased before 1950. Compiled by W. Stewart Wallace. Toronto: Ryerson Press, 1951. Reprint. Detroit: Gale Research, 1968. (DcNAA) 818705 Mullaly, John 1835-1915

3. Twentieth Century Biographical Dictionary of Notable Americans: Vol VII

4. Obituary 1915 New York Times N.

5. https://nycparks.completeinet.net/sub_your_park/park_info_pages/park_info.php

6. https://www.encyclopedia.com/html/f/field-cy.asp

7. Judson, Isabella F. (Editor) - Cyrus W Field : His Life and Work, Eighteen-Nineteen to Eighteen-Ninety Two 1972 Reprint

8. Mullaly, John - A trip to Newfoundland: its scenery and fisheries; with an account of the laying of the sub-marine telegraph cable (New York 1855), T.W. Strong, 108pp [drawings by DC Hitchcock].
Ghost quote p 40.

9. Mullaly, John - The Laying of the Cable or The Ocean Telegraph being a complete and authentic narrative of the attempt to lay the cable across the entrance to the gulf of St. Lawrence in 1855, and of the three Atlantic telegraph expeditions of 1857 and 1858: with a detailed account of the mechanical and scientific part of the work, as well as biographical sketches of Messrs. Cyrus W. Field, William E. Everett, and other prominent persons connected with the enterprise (New York, 1858), D. Appleton, 329 pp. A detailed report of the 1857 and 1858 cables by the correspondent of the New York Herald, on board the Niagara.

10. Mullaly, John - New parks beyond the Harlem. With thirty illustrations and map. Descriptions of scenery. Nearly 4,000 acres of free playground for the people New York: 1887. 8vo. Copy available 2002 for US$350.00 from [email protected] in near mint, original cloth. 172, [8] pp., containing folding map of New York City, with the Bronx, showing the parks in the Bronx. The new parks referred to are all in the Bronx, being: Van Cortlandt Park, Bronx Park, St. Mary’s Park, Crotona Park and Pelham Bay Park. As much as anything this is a real estate promotion for the Bronx, describing the parks and trying to promote building in otherwise undeveloped areas. Haskell 1377.
Full text at Internet Archive or Google

11. Man, Albon P Jr - The Church and the New York Draft Riots of 1863

12. Field, Cyrus West - The Great Atlantic Cable in The Victory

13. New York Census

14. The Milk Trade of New York and Vicinity, giving an account of the sale of pure and adulterated milk, NY, Fowlers and Wells, 1853 xx, [21]-118p 18cm With an introduction by R.T. Trall.

15. The First Atlantic Telegraph Cable, Philadelphia, 1907. 1 p. l., 28 p. front. 23 cm.

16. Mullock , The Right Rev. Dr. J.T. Two Lectures on Newfoundland. New York: Publisher John Mullaly, Office of the Metropolitan Record, 1860.

17. Pamphlet T28 - back cover Trial of Abraham Lincoln by the Great Statesmen of the Republic
Prospectus of the Metropolitan Record John Mullaly New York: Office of the Metropolitan Record, 1863 Photo above

18. Tremante, Louis P. Livestock in Nineteenth-Century New York City The University of Chicago, Chicago, Illinois, USA [email protected]

19. atlantic-cable.com/bibliography.htm

20. Report to the New York Legislature of the Commission to Select and Locate Lands for Public Parks in the Twenty-third and Twenty-fourth Wards of the City of New York, and in the vicinity thereof. : According to the provisions of the act of the Legislature of the State of New York, chapter 253, passed April 19, 1883 New York (State) Commission to Select and Locate Lands for Public Parks in the 23d and 24th Wards of New York City - New York : M. B. Brown, printer, 1884 217 p. : plates, fold. map, ; 23 cm

21. Who Was Who? Mullaly, John Journalist b. Belfast Ireland 1835 (LL.D. St John’s Coll Fordham NY; Litt.D. Christian Bros College St Louis) Began newspaper work as reporter New York Tribune under Horace Greeley; later reporter Evening Post under William Cullen Bryant; on staff New York Herald 6 yrs and was spl. Corr. on expdn. to lay a submarine cable across Gulf of St Lawrence and 1st three Atlantic telegraph expdns. 1857-58; during expdns. was sec. to Prof. Morse and Cyrus W. Field; pub. and editor Met. Record (RC official organ) New York 14 yrs; editor The Seminary (monthly) 1892-96; Discovered peculiar properties of aluminium in application to surface printing; inventor aluminography; pres. US Aluminium Printing Plate Co. Was commr. of heath New York and mem. Bd. assessors. Originated new systems of parks north of Harlem River; agitated investigation of milk supply etc. Author The Laying of the Cable A Trip to Newfoundland to Lay the Gulf of St Lawrence Cable; The Milk Trade of New York; More Public Parks etc Home New York Deceased. p.877

22. Jordan, Philip D The Unknown John Mullaly The American Benedictine Review pages 10:1 (1959) 41-44 This article also contains the following list of references:

22 Ref 1 The Milk Trade in New York and Vicinity, Giving An Account of the Sale of Pure and Unadulterated Milk – The Daily and Yearly Consumption – The Amount of Property Invested in the Business – The Milk Dealers and Dairymen of Orange and Other Counties – Injurious Effects of Impure Milk on Children – Advice to Country Dairymen. by John Mullaly With an Introduction by R T Trall MD New York Fowlers and Wells Publishers Clinton Hall 131 Nassau Street Boston 142 Washington-st London No 142 Strand 1853
Cf also
The New York Times 18 August 1854 for an article by R C Downing citing Mullaly’s contribution
In 1854-55, Mullaly listed himself as a reporter, his business address as 97 Nassau Street and his residence as 18 Bedford Street Cf Charles R Rode New York City Directory 1854-1855 (New York 1854) p 514.22

22 Ref 2 Charles Bright, Submarine Telegraph (London 1898) p 48n
for Mullaly’s dispatches see The New York Herald August 6,8,8,11,21,24,25,26,27,28,29,31,1857; September 1,3,6,8,10,12,16,18,23,27,1857; October 2,8,1857; March, 7,8,25,26,27,29,1858; April 6, 1858; June 23,24,25 1858 and July 6 1858

22 Ref 3 The laying of the Cable cited elsewhere The Field quotation is taken from the inside front cover of this book.

22 Ref 4 John Mullaly “First Atlantic Telegraph Cable” Journal of Franklin Institute MLXIII (Feb., March 1907) 141-48, 165-83. Mullaly gives his address as 223 East 49th Street New York.

22 Ref 5 Appollinaris W Baumgaertner, Catholic Journalism: A Study of its Development in the United States 1789-1930 (New York 1931) p.19 Carl Wittke, The Irish in America (Baton Rouge 18956), passim

22 Ref 6 Brownson’s Quarterly Review (January 1862) 36-66 for comments relative to Hughes and slavery; cf also Dictionary of American Biography IX 354

22 Ref 7 John R G Hassard Life of the Most Reverend John Hughes DD First Archbishop of New York with Extracts from His Private Correspondence (New York 1866) p.495 Joe Skidmore “The Copperhead Press and the Civil War Journalism Quarterly XVI (December 1939) 348, 351, 352, 355.

22 Ref 8 The Metropolitan Record 2 April 1864 Author Mullaly, John. Title Suppression of the Metropolitan record in St. Louis : by order of General Rosecrans / letter of the editor. Publisher [New York : John Mullaly, 1864]? Description 12 p. ; 22 cm. Notes Caption title.
“John Mullaly, editor and proprietor [of the Metropolitan record]”--advertisement leaf. Indexed by McCoy, R.E. Freedom (suppl.), 1M479 Summary The Metropolitan record opposed conscription; Rosencrans accused the newspaper of being “incendiary, disloyal, and traitorous.”

22 Ref 9 The New York Times 27 March 1864

22 Ref 10 The New York Times 25 August 1864

22 Ref 11 New York Board of Health Annual Reports 1870 1872 1873 Published in the years indicated without pagination, New York Times 27 June 1875

22 Ref 12 The New York Times 24 November 1874

22 Ref 13 The New York Times 17 January 1975

22 Ref 14 John D Crimmins The Irish American Missellany (New York 1905) p 343

22 Ref 15 John Mullaly The New Parks Beyond The Harlem (NewYork 1887)

22 Ref 16 The New York Times 5 January 1915

22 Ref 17 St Joseph The Missouri Vindicator 23 May 1868

23 https://www.cbc-stl.org/about/sh.asp

24 The Atlantic Cable
The New York Times Saturday Review of Books:
On Page 975 of your book review there is a notice of “Charles Bright’s new book about the Atlantic Cables,” in which the credit for the solution of the engineering difficulties attending the laying of the cable in 1858 is claimed by that gentleman.
As I was the special correspondent of the New York Herald on the expeditions of 1857-8 I am familiar with the facts, and I know the “difficulties” referred to were not solved by Sir Charles Bright, but by Mt William E Everett, United States Navy, the American engineer who was, at the express desire and earnest solicitation of the Board of Directors of the Atlantic Telegraph Company, “loaned” by our Government that the enterprise might have the advantage of his skill and experience.
If you desire the facts for publication you will find them in my work entitled “The Laying of the Cable, published by D. Appleton & Co. all the particulars
John Mullaly
New York Dec 29 1903

25 The Making of the Bronx
To the Editor of the New York Times
Referring to the communication in The Times of yesterday from Mr WB Lott, I would say that I was associated with the movement by which the city acquired the system of new parks and parkways north of the Harlem from its inception till its close, having acted as something more than its secretary. I will be happy to give Mr Lott all the information in my possession on the subject. I was acquainted with all the members of the commission and others who played an important part in the project.
John Mullaly
41 Park Row New York May 27 1907

26 The Atlantic Cable
The New York Times Saturday Review of Books:
On Page 975 of your Book Review there is a notice of “Charles Bright’s new book about the Atlantic Cable,” in which the credit for the solution of the engineering difficulties attending the laying of the cable in 1858 is claimed by that gentleman.
As I was the special correspondent of The New York Herald on the expeditions of 1857-8 I am familiar with the facts, and I know , and I know the difficulties referred to were not solved by Sir Charles Bright, but by Mr William E Everett, United States Navy, the American engineer who was , at the express desire and earnest solicitation of the Board of Directors of the Atlantic Telegraph Company, “loaned” by our Government that the enterprise might have the advantage of his skill and experience.
If you desire the facts for publication you will find them in my work entitled “The Laying of the Cable” published by D Appleton & Co., all the particulars
John Mullaly
New York Dec 29 1903

27 Wed Feb 14 Mullaly, John, to Anna Ellis; Bronx River Road, ne corner od Clinton Av, 1 year 1,500 (pds)

28 The Editor of the Metropolitan Record Arrested for Inciting Gov. Seymour to Resist the Draft.
Before Commissioner Osbourne.

Commissioner OSBOURNE issued a warrant yesterday for the arrest of JOHN MULLALY, editor of the Metropolitan Record & New York Vindicator, upon a charge of inciting resistance to the draft. The warrant was procured upon the following affidavit:

Southern District of New-York City and County of New-York, ss. – E. DELAFIELD SMITH. District Attorney of the United States for said District, being duly sworn says; That this deponent complains of JOHN MULLALY, of said City, and charges as follows: That said JOHN MULLALY at the time of the publication hereinafter mentioned, was, and still is, the editor and proprietor of the Metropolitan Record & New York Vindicator, a public journal and newspaper published in said City and district; that in an issue of said periodical, dated and published on the 6th of August instant, in said City and district, said JOHN MULLALY caused to be published and printed an article entitled “The Coming Draft,” and other articles; that in an issue of said journal dated and published on the 30th of July last, in said City and district, said JOHN MULLALY caused to be published an article entitled “Five Hundred Thousand More Victims to Abolitionism” and other articles; that copies of said issues respectively are now produced to the Commissioner, and upon such production this deponent requests that a warrant of arrest be issued against said JOHN MULLALY for a violation of section 25 of the act of Congress, approved March 3, 1863, entitled “An Act for Enrolling and Calling out the National Forces and for other Purposes,” and section 12 of the act approved Feb, 24 1864, entitled “An Act to Amend the above Act”.

That in, and by said publications said JOHN MULLALY counsels one SEYMOUR, and other persons to resist a draft directed by the President of the United States, in pursuance of the statute above cited, and counsels drafted men not to appear, and willfully dissuades them from the performance of military duties as required by law, and incites, counsels and encourages one SEYMOUR and other persons forcibly to resist an enrollment ordered by competent authority in pursuance of said act of Congress, and otherwise violates the provisions of law above mentioned. And this deponent, upon producing said copies of the said journal, being requested by the Commissioner to commit to writing and verify the substance of the complaint now made by this deponent against the said JOHN MULLALY, respectfully submits this statement and makes oath hereto, and prays that said copies of said journal may be taken as part of this deposition, and further prays that a warrant may issue against said JOHN MULLALY, to the end that he may be dealt with according to the law of the land.
Subscribed and sworn to before me, this 18th day of August, 1864.
US Commissioner.

MULLALY was consequently arrested yesterday at his office in Broadway and brought before the Commissioner, where he gave bail in the sum of $2,580, CHARLES J. DONOHUE becoming his security. The examination will take place some day next week. The “one SEYMOUR ” mentioned in his affidavit is the Governor of the State, and the articles referred to contained paragraphs calling on GOV. SEYMOUR to put a stop to the draft, and promising him the assistance of two or three hundred thousand men in his endeavours.

Last revised: 10 September, 2019

Return to Atlantic Cable main page

Search all pages on the Atlantic Cable site:

Research Material Needed

The Atlantic Cable website is non-commercial, and its mission is to make available on line as much information as possible.

You can help - if you have cable material, old or new, please contact me. Cable samples, instruments, documents, brochures, souvenir books, photographs, family stories, all are valuable to researchers and historians.

If you have any cable-related items that you could photograph, copy, scan, loan, or sell, please email me: [email protected]

—Bill Burns, publisher and webmaster: Atlantic-Cable.com